HERITAGE Week in Co Donegal features almost 100 events.Here’s what’s on today, Wednesday, across the county.So get out and enjoy it. WHAT’S ON TODAY IN DONEGAL HERITAGE WEEK was last modified: August 21st, 2013 by John2Share this:Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)Click to share on LinkedIn (Opens in new window)Click to share on Reddit (Opens in new window)Click to share on Pocket (Opens in new window)Click to share on Telegram (Opens in new window)Click to share on WhatsApp (Opens in new window)Click to share on Skype (Opens in new window)Click to print (Opens in new window) Tags:WHAT’S ON TODAY IN DONEGAL HERITAGE WEEK
OAKLAND — Saturday’s A’s game saw a couple strange moments at the Coliseum: The Tampa Bay Rays intentionally walked Matt Olson to load the bases for Khris Davis, for example. (It worked, Davis struck out.) It also saw a noticeably foul ball called fair, igniting a rough third inning for starter Mike Fiers.Strange as it was, it went the A’s way 4-2. Here are three takeaways from the win.Liam Hendriks, interim closerThe A’s were up 4-2, the ninth inning about to begin. But Blake Treinen was …
1 July 2013The United States will lead an initiative aimed at doubling access to electric power across sub-Saharan Africa, US President Barack Obama announced during an address at the University of Cape Town on Sunday.Obama was in South Africa on the second leg of a three-nation African tour that started in Senegal last Wednesday and continued in Tanzania on Monday.According to Times Live, the initiative, which will bring “light where there is currently darkness,” will focus on boosting access to electricity in Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria and Tanzania.The Power Africa initiative will receive $7-billion in US investment and an additional $9-billion in commitments from private companies including General Electric and Symbion Power.Times Live reported that Power Africa would focus on expanding the reach of power grids and investing in renewable energy sources such as geothermal, hydro, solar, and wind power.Times Live quoted President Obama as saying: “It’s the connection that’s needed to plug Africa into the grid of the global economy.”While the initiative may be a step in the right direction, Times Live reported that the International Energy Agency puts the figure required to achieve universal access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa by 2030 at around $300-billion.iafrica.com and SAinfo reporter
Two industrialized provinces in eastern China are responsible for most of an increase in emissions of a banned chemical that depletes the Earth’s ozone layer, scientists say in a recently released report. New observations confirm the suspicions of scientists who said last year that they had detected increased emissions of CFC-11, a chlorofluorocarbon once widely used as a blowing agent in foam insulation. The chemical was phased out as part of the 1987 Montreal Protocol, and levels have been gradually declining. At the time, scientists said they thought the new emissions originated in east Asia, but they couldn’t be any more specific than that. In a report published in Nature on May 22, researchers said they now believe that at least 40% to 60% of the global increase in CFC-11 could be traced to the northeastern Chinese provinces of Shandong and Hebei.RELATED ARTICLESA Banned Threat to the Ozone ReappearsChina is Alleged Source of Illegal Blowing AgentEPA Warns Against Unapproved Refrigerants in Air ConditionersA New Blowing Agent With a Lower Environmental Impact “We find no evidence for a significant increase in CFC-11 emissions from any other eastern Asian countries or other regions of the world where there are available data for the detection of regional emissions,” the authors of the study said. They added that the increases that have been detected are likely the result of new production and use of the gas, which should have been phased out by 2010. The levels of CFC-11 in the atmosphere have fallen sharply since the mid 1990s as manufacturers switched to alternatives. The uptick in emissions will slow the eventual recovery of the ozone layer by a decade or more, The New York Times said in an article about the new study. The Times said its own research found evidence that factories in Shandong were producing or using the chemical as a blowing agent in insulation. CFCs, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, were also used as refrigerants and solvents. They were originally developed in the 1920s as safer replacements for methyl chloride, a refrigerant. Chlorofluorocarbons are non-toxic, but in the upper atmosphere they decompose into inorganic chlorine and destroy ozone. A loss of ozone allowed more harmful UV-B radiation to reach the surface of the Earth, which increases biological damage to plants and animals. In addition, CFCs are powerful greenhouse gases. Those discoveries led to the worldwide ban mapped out in the Montreal Protocol. New pressure on Chinese government The report is likely to add pressure on the Chinese government to root out illegal use of the chemical, The Times said. Last year, when preliminary reports were published, the government said it would stop any illegal production and use of CFCs but said it didn’t appear to be a serious problem. The Chinese Ministry of Ecology and Environment told the newspaper that it was preparing answers to questions about the new observations. Originally, observations of increased levels of atmospheric CFC-11 came from Hawaii, some 5,000 miles away from the suspected source. The more recent data come from monitoring stations on islands just a few hundred miles from the Chinese coast. Still, scientists are not able to account for all of the new emissions. Some could be coming from South America, Africa, or even other parts of China, but researchers don’t have enough information to know. The Environmental Investigation Agency, a nonprofit advocacy group, also looked into the problem after the initial announcement last year. In response to the new study, the organization said the findings underscored the need for better enforcement of the Montreal Protocol: “The fact that scientists cannot pinpoint the source of the remaining emissions demonstrates the lack of sufficient monitoring capacity in other parts of the world,” EIA’s assessment says. “This cannot be treated as isolated cases in China and underlines the need to fundamentally revisit the Montreal Protocol’s monitoring and enforcement regime, including expanding approaches to tracking the supply chain of controlled substances.” The new study found that CFC-11 emissions from eastern China increased by 7,000 tons per year after 2012, the equivalent of 33 million tons of CO2, EIA said. Illegal production between 2013 and 2017 may have created nearly 4 gigaton of CO2 equivalent in polyurethane foam production, much of which hasn’t even made it into the atmosphere. Getting rid of hidden stockpiles of the chemical would require a “significant and sustained intelligence-led enforcement effort in China,” the group said.
MONTREAL – If current polling projections hold, Canadians could be reintroduced to a political reality in Quebec not seen since the late 1960s — a party other than the federalist Liberals or the sovereigntist Parti Quebecois running the province.With the Oct. 1 election now six months away, Francois Legault’s nationalist Coalition Avenir Quebec is riding high in public opinion polls.Recent surveys have suggested the Coalition would have formed a minority government or obtained a slim majority if the election had been held when they were conducted.The Liberals have been in power since 2003, aside from a brief PQ minority government between 2012 and 2014, and their major fear is voter fatigue with their brand.Jean-Francois Lisee’s PQ, currently in third place in the polls, is struggling to get attention and has positioned itself as the big-government mainstream choice in a province already known for its public-spending largesse.Taking current polling at face value can be misleading, however, because the Liberals’ spring budget has proven popular, the PQ cannot be entirely counted out, and recent events have indicated the Coalition is vulnerable with its strong nationalist rhetoric.Philippe Couillard’s Liberals have entered spring on a high note after tabling a fourth consecutive balanced budget — one that cuts business taxes and aims to aggressively pay down the province’s high debt.“We did exactly what we said we were going to do,” Couillard said recently about his party’s 2014 campaign promises.The Liberals are well on their way to reaching their 2014 target of helping to create 250,000 jobs over five years, and unemployment is at record lows.In question period a day after the budget was tabled, Couillard offered a taste of how he will sell his party to electors come the fall campaign.“Now we have the means to dream,” he said, referring to the surpluses Quebec is generating after budgetary compressions early in his mandate.“And not just to dream, but to realize these dreams due to the financial means we now have.”The PQ’s Lisee also offered a slice of how his party will be campaigning in the fall.During the same exchange in the legislature, Lisee used the term “human misery” several times to describe the consequences of the Liberals’ drive to balance the books.He brought up a Quebec ombudsman report that cited how a woman who needed home care “was forced to choose between sleeping in her wheelchair or getting (subsidized) help to eat.“Was there any point in time when (Couillard) realized the human misery he was creating?” Lisee asked.Philippe Fournier, an astrophysicist who runs the poll-aggregating blog Qc125.com, calls the PQ’s vote “efficient.”The party’s support is spread out among the ridings, creating a double-edged sword, he said.“If the PQ drops in the polls by two or three percentage points, to 19 per cent, then they could get five or six seats and be almost wiped out,” Fournier explained.“But if their vote reaches 25 per cent, they could come away with 30 seats or more — it’s a very fine line.”There are 125 seats in the Quebec legislature.Legault’s Coalition has been coasting for months on the fact his party is offering Quebecers a departure from the Liberal-PQ dichotomy of the past 50 years.His party hasn’t announced many concrete proposals yet, but Legault talks favourably of private business, cutting taxes, slimming down the public service and getting Quebec off equalization payments from wealthier provinces.But Legault also has more controversial positions, such as reducing the yearly number of immigrants to the province by 10,000 people — at a time when Quebec is suffering from labour shortages — and making their residency contingent on passing a language test.Finance Minister Carlos Leitao also gave voters a strong signal of how ugly the upcoming fall campaign will be when he accused the Coalition in mid-March of “ethnic-based nationalism,” sparking furor in Legault’s camp.While much is up in the air, the Liberals might want to look to the recent Montreal municipal election for pointers.Similarly to Couillard, Denis Coderre was running last November against a popular party that had never held the mayoralty. The city’s economy was red-hot with low unemployment, record tourism and an explosion of urban development.Yet Coderre lost quite heavily and was accused of running a campaign where he coasted on his record and offered nothing for Montrealers to dream about.“I’ve spoken to many Liberals and they saw what happened to Coderre and they won’t do that,” Fournier said. “They won’t run on their record — that would be a huge mistake.”But it’s currently difficult, he said, “to see exactly which of the three main parties Quebecers will want to dream for.”
In July, I wrote a piece titled “The Rate of Domestic Violence Arrests Among NFL Players,” which has been getting a lot of attention recently — some of it missing the point.I based the analysis in my article on USA Today’s NFL Arrests Database, combined with data from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ Arrest Data Analysis Tool and some historical data gleaned from the National Incident-Based Reporting System and a variety of BJS reports on domestic violence. The main points I made were:For most crimes, NFL players have extremely low arrest rates relative to national averages.Their relative arrest rate for domestic violence is much higher than for other crimes.Although the arrest rate for domestic violence may appear low relative to the national average for 25- to 29-year-old men, it is probably high relative to NFL players’ income level (more than $75,000 per year) and poverty rate (0 percent).But the article has been cited by a number of people to support the proposition that the NFL does not have an unusually high domestic violence rate. While I think this is a fair characterization of my intermediate results — the arrest rate I noted was 55.4 percent of the national average for 25- to 29-year-old men as suggested by the USA Today arrest data and rough number of players in the NFL — it’s misleading when taken out of context.Let’s be more explicit about the different assumptions that can affect that bottom-line comparison. For that analysis, I generally tried to lean toward assumptions favorable to the NFL, with the intention of showing that, even under those assumptions, the NFL appeared to have a “downright extraordinary” arrest rate for domestic violence.But there are still a lot of unknowns in the data and lot of choices to be made about what exactly we’re comparing to what.Reliability of arrest dataA lot of readers, commenters, emailers, tweeters, media, etc., have questioned the USA Today NFL arrest data. They’re right to be skeptical. There’s a good chance the arrest data is incomplete — particularly when it comes to marginal players who are only attached to the NFL briefly.When I wrote that piece, I was concerned about both over- and under-inclusion: The pool of NFL players who would pop up in the database might be even larger than the estimate based on roster limits (because some players come and go, and players are frequently dropped and replaced throughout the year), but it might also miss some players whose arrests flew under the radar.I hand-sampled a number of cases and found that they appeared to include many marginal players with minimal attachment to the league. With the NFL being so intensely followed, I thought the USA Today data set was probably pretty comprehensive.But some readers have made some good cases for why the arrest count the database produces could be low.On the pure data-collection level, I’ve corresponded with an enterprising reader who compared the frequency of arrests in the USA Today data for players with more games played vs. those with few games played. He found the first group had a much higher arrest rate. From this, he concluded that the database was probably missing arrests for lesser-known players, and he determined that basing the arrest rate on an assumption of 53 players per team (rather than the 80 players per team I used) was the most accurate approach (only coincidentally corresponding to the number of players on the roster during the year).His case seemed strong to me but not conclusive: It’s possible that marginally attached players are arrested at a lower rate. For example, marginally attached players may be younger (unsigned rookies) or older (borderline veterans) than typical players, and thus less likely to have families (younger) or be aged out of the most likely group to commit domestic violence (older). Additionally, we don’t know what’s driving the NFL’s overall domestic violence arrest rate, and I can imagine plausible scenarios in which regular players are more likely to commit and/or get arrested for the offense.Another potential problem, as several readers pointed out, is that virtually any NFL arrest data may understate the equivalent arrest rate in a less privileged population. In other words, NFL players who are involved in domestic violence incidents could be better at avoiding arrests than the general public. Relatedly, it’s possible there have been arrests that were either avoided or kept off the media’s radar because of team and/or league machinations.Whether any of those possibilities are likely or not, we should be explicit as to how our position on them affects our results.An appropriate pool for comparisonIf we want a bottom-line NFL vs. X number, the pool you use for X is obviously quite meaningful. But it’s difficult to figure out which pool we should be comparing to, and even if we do know what pool we want to use, figuring out their arrest rate (especially for domestic violence crimes) can be quite difficult.In my article, I primarily compare NFL arrest rates to arrest rates for 25- to 29-year-old men, and then I compared their arrest rate for domestic violence to their arrest rates for other crimes (it’s about four times higher). While we don’t have arrest data broken down by income, we do have such breakdowns for victimization rates (based on BJS survey data). I compared the relative domestic violence victimization rate for people from households making $75,000 or more to both the overall domestic violence victimization rate (it’s 39 percent as high) and rate for ages 20 to 34 (20 percent as high). It’s impossible to compare this directly to the relative NFL arrest rates with precision, but at least it gives us some benchmark for how income level may affect domestic violence incidents.In addition to inherent murkiness of trying to compare across different types of data, there are a few other possible problems with the $75,000 or more per year comparison.First, NFL players have a number of advantages that your typical member of a household making $75,000 and up each year may not. That’s the highest income group I had data for, but NFL players are typically wealthier than that. NFL players spend a good portion of the year in an extremely structured environment. They have extremely low rates of drug and alcohol abuse (especially relative to arrest rates for drug and alcohol-related crimes), and alcohol and drugs tend to be big risk factors for domestic violence.On the other hand, NFL players didn’t necessarily have the advantages that a lot of $75,000-and-up earners do. NFL players may be more likely than those earners to have come from difficult backgrounds, or to have experienced or observed abuse in their families, and in general to have missed out on the privileges associated with coming from a wealthier background.Finally, there are some differences in the data that we don’t know enough about to say what their effect might be, such as:Are victims from higher-income households more or less likely to make police reports that lead to arrests?How does the extreme wealth disparity between NFL players and their domestic partners affect the power dynamics that may lead to more or fewer arrests?Note: None of this has to be the case, and I haven’t studied these factors or their effects on criminality. But they are questions that affect our assumptions, and affect what type of comparison we should be making and how we should interpret it.Even if we could settle on a perfectly representative pool for comparison, getting even approximate figures for each group is extremely difficult. For example, as I noted in the original article, the BJS’s Intimate Partner Violence reports don’t include breakdowns by income anymore. So we have to make reasonable estimates based on several related numbers. This process has a lot of wiggle room in it as well, so we should be clear to look at what kinds of proxies lead to what kinds of results.Different combinations of assumptionsWith so much murkiness in both our data and our aims, the best thing to do is to look at a range of assumptions and see whether there are patterns that are apparent independent of such choices.Let’s first combine the possible issues with the USA Today data and represent them as a single number — which we’ll call “percentage of arrests captured by USA Today data” — representing its completeness with regards to actual arrests, as well as arrests that were otherwise avoided.Likewise, let’s combine the issues about comparison groups into a single percentage representing the bottom-line arrest rate of our comparable population (whatever it might be) relative to our 25- to 29-year-old average. In other words, we’re using one metric to represent each group by our best estimate for its relative arrest rate (which we can compare to benchmarks).Then we combine these two metrics with the information we have (NFL Arrest Rates in USA Today database, approximate number of NFL players and arrest rates for the general population), like so:We calculate the known NFL arrest rate and scale it to per 100,000 by taking the NFL arrests per year in the database, multiplied by 100,000, and divided by the number of NFL players per year (approximately 2,560).We divide this by the “percentage of arrests captured by USA Today data” (by assumption, per above).We gather data on the known national arrest rate for 25- to 29- year-olds, which is per 100,000.We divide this by our estimated relative arrest rate of a comparable population (by assumption, per above).Finally, we calculate the ratio between 2) and 4) and subtract 100 percent — this tells us how our estimated NFL arrest rate compares to the rate we estimate for a comparable population.Now we can chart the result of this calculation for given values of A and B as heat maps. Even if we assume extremely incomplete arrest data, the NFL’s overall arrest rate is still very low relative to the national average for its age range. But if we hold the NFL to an extremely high standard, we can still find its arrest rate to be subpar.I’ve used the same color scheme for both of these (100 percent = white). So it should be obvious that the NFL’s doing much worse with domestic violence arrests than with arrests overall.Note that the difference between assumptions can be an order of magnitude or more. Under a favorable set of assumptions, the NFL looks better than average; under an unfavorable set of assumptions, it’s doing terribly.For example, if you compare NFL players only to the national average for 25- to 29-year-old men, and you assume that the USA Today database is pretty much complete, you arrive at the 55.4 percent figure.On the other hand, if you assume that the NFL’s domestic violence arrest rate should be proportional to the overall arrest rate, you can see that the NFL has a “domestic violence problem,” whether the USA Today data is complete or not. This was essentially the scenario I was leading to in my initial article.
Napoli Coach Carlo Ancelotti has described it an honour to have worked with John Terry in his latest tribute to the former England player following his retirement.Carlo Ancelotti had a successful stint at Chelsea, winning the Premier League and FA Cup in the 2009-10 season before being sacked the following summer after a trophyless campaign.Last night his skipper for those occasions, who made over 700 appearances for the Blues, announced his retirement and Ancelotti paid tribute on his Instagram page.“An honour to have had you as captain,” the Napoli manager wrote.“Wishing you much success in your future endeavours.”John Terry has been tipped to nail a managerial role in the next few months to come in the bid to replicate his success story.And most Chelsea fans will be hoping he gets the chance to manage his beloved club.
, April 12, 2018 Padres radio station 97.3 to become ‘The Fan’ following social media controversy Posted: April 12, 2018 00:00 00:00 spaceplay / pause qunload | stop ffullscreenshift + ←→slower / faster ↑↓volume mmute ←→seek . seek to previous 12… 6 seek to 10%, 20% … 60% XColor SettingsAaAaAaAaTextBackgroundOpacity SettingsTextOpaqueSemi-TransparentBackgroundSemi-TransparentOpaqueTransparentFont SettingsSize||TypeSerif MonospaceSerifSans Serif MonospaceSans SerifCasualCursiveSmallCapsResetSave SettingsChris Ello joined Good Morning San Diego to talk about 97.3’s rebranding as “The Fan” following a controversial social media post.On March 26, a social media post by 97.3 The Machine morning show host-to-be Kevin Klein sparked issues with the Padres just days before the season began.After two weeks of discussion, 97.3 will go away with their sports/comedy format and shift towards an all-sports format as 97.3 The Fan.The new Padres radio network will feature an evening show starring Tony Gwynn Jr. and Chris Ello from 3 to 7 p.m.Klein, who sparked the controversy after tweeting a picture of the Coronado Bridge with the word “Jump” to promote his show, will not be a part of the network moving forward. Categories: Good Morning San Diego, Local San Diego News, Sports FacebookTwitter Updated: 11:34 AM